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35 - Challenges Facing the New ASEAN Secretary-General
- from SECTION V - INSTITUTIONS OF ASEAN
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- By Termsak Chalermpalanupap, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies
- Edited in consultation with Kee Beng Ooi, Sanchita Basu Das, Terence Chong, Malcolm Cook, Cassey Lee, Michael Chai Ming Yeo
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- Book:
- The 3rd ASEAN Reader
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 22 June 2017
- Print publication:
- 17 August 2015, pp 180-183
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Summary
On 9 January 2013, Mr. Le Luong Minh, Deputy Foreign Minister of Viet Nam, succeeded Thailand's Dr. Surin Pitsuwan as the Secretary-General of ASEAN (ASEAN SG). This article explains what the ASEAN SG is expected to do, and suggests what he should also try to do.
DUTIES AND RESPONSIBILITIES IN THE CHARTER
Duties and responsibilities of the ASEAN SG are prescribed in the ASEAN Charter's Article 11. Paragraph (a) of the article states: [The Secretary-General shall] “carry out the duties and responsibilities of this high office in accordance with the provisions of this Charter and relevant ASEAN instruments, protocols and established practices”. According to Article 7 Paragraph 2 (g), the ASEAN Summit appoints an ASEAN SG with the rank and status of Minister, who will serve with the confidence and at the pleasure of the Heads of State and Government of ASEAN upon the recommendation of the ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting (AMM). Article 11 Paragraph 1 states: the appointment is for a non-renewable term of 5 years, based on alphabetical rotation [and consensus], “with due consideration to integrity, capability and professional experience, and gender equality.”
Undiplomatically speaking, the ASEAN Foreign Ministers have direct supervision over the ASEAN SG, and any of the ASEAN Leaders can sack him. This is the political reality and institutional constraint under which every ASEAN SG has to accept and learn to live with.
Paragraph (b) of Article 11 states: [the Secretary-General shall] “facilitate and monitor progress in the implementation of ASEAN agreements and decisions, and submit an annual report on the work of ASEAN to the ASEAN Summit”. The annual report is submitted to the ASEAN Summit in the second quarter of each year; the ASEAN Summit in the fourth quarter is devoted more to ASEAN's external relations. One quandary is whether or not the ASEAN SG should also report on delays and shortcomings. Here, the preference of most government officials is for the omission of negative points, and for the emphasis on progress and achievements. This is part of the celebrated ASEAN Way.
Some ASEAN Leaders actually encouraged Dr. Surin to tell them the “bad news” in ASEAN, not just the good news. One big item of “bad news” that Dr. Surin raised was this: ASEAN is not getting anywhere nearer to achieving a drugs-free zone by the year 2015.
ASEAN: Managing External Political and Security Relations
- from THE REGION
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- By Termsak Chalermpalanupap, Department at the ASEAN Secretariat in Jakarta, Indonesia
- Edited by Daljit Singh
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- Book:
- Southeast Asian Affairs 2014
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 19 May 2017
- Print publication:
- 03 June 2014, pp 53-75
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Summary
The 2013 ASEAN Security Outlook states that ASEAN is facing “increasingly complex geopolitical challenges…” in Southeast Asia. This review examines the interplay of these challenges and how ASEAN and its Member States have dealt with them in order to maintain ASEAN centrality.
ASEAN Chairmanship of Brunei Darussalam
The ASEAN Chairmanship rotates among Member States in English alphabetical order. After Vietnam in 2010, normally it would have been the turn of Brunei Darussalam to chair ASEAN in 2011. Indonesia had asked and Brunei Darussalam as well as the rest in ASEAN agreed to let Indonesia take the turn of Brunei Darussalam in 2011. Indonesia's main reason was that if it were to wait for its normal turn, which would come in 2013 after Cambodia in 2012, it would be saddled with double responsibilities of chairing ASEAN and APEC in the same year in 2013.
Myanmar had also swapped its turn in chairing ASEAN in 2016 with Laos in 2014. Myanmar wanted to secure the opportunity for the current elected government to showcase itself in the international community before its term ends in 2015. Laos had no problem waiting until 2016, and the rest in ASEAN was supportive, especially in the light of the positive political changes in Myanmar under the leadership of President Thein Sein.
Although Brunei Darussalam is the smallest Member State (with only about 400,000 of population), the sultanate has well-trained English-speaking bureaucrats to run the ASEAN Chairmanship efficiently. From the start, Brunei Darussalam kept a low profile as the ASEAN Chairman. Its emphasis was on getting ASEAN back to basics, working hard to implement what Member States had already agreed upon, putting the ASEAN house in order through quiet diplomacy, and avoiding rekindling old problems like those in the South China Sea.
Brunei Darussalam showed some concern about the steadily rising number of ASEAN meetings. ASEAN now has more than thirty ministerial bodies, which are served by over 100 committees of senior officials, task forces, working groups, etc. In 2012 the number of ASEAN meetings at all levels exceeded 1,000 for the first time in the forty-five years’ history of the organization.
One of the first changes introduced by Brunei Darussalam was to forego convening an informal meeting of ASEAN Foreign Ministers in early 2013.
3 - Life in ASEAN After the Entry into Force of the ASEAN Charter: Implications and Follow-ups
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- By Termsak Chalermpalanupap, Director of the Political and Security Directorate at the ASEAN Secretariat
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- Book:
- ASEAN
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 21 October 2015
- Print publication:
- 12 May 2010, pp 45-65
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Summary
This chapter explores how the ASEAN Charter has changed or will change ASEAN in four areas: (1) democracy; (2) human rights cooperation; (3) becoming a more rules-based organization; and (4) organizational structure. It will not attempt to examine how the Charter is going to change the member states of ASEAN. That important but highly sensitive question will have to be addressed by each member state concerned.
DEMOCRACY IN ASEAN
As an inter-governmental organization, ASEAN is actually very democratic. Just look at the following evidence: sovereign equality as one of the principles (Article 2, Paragraph 2a of the Charter); every member state is equal in representation and participation in ASEAN; annual rotation of the ASEAN chairmanship; no weighted voting right or veto power; decision-making by consultation and consensus; and equal contribution to the annual operational budget of the ASEAN Secretariat, etc.
Sovereign equality begets non-interference. But non-interference cannot be absolute when a state joins a regional grouping like ASEAN and takes part in its community-building endeavour. Hence the Charter includes two new principles: “shared commitment and collective responsibility in enhancing regional peace, security and prosperity” (Article 2, Paragraph 2b) and “enhanced consultations on matters seriously affecting the common interest of ASEAN” (Article 2, Paragraph 2g). All the principles in Article 2 must be accepted and upheld as a whole set. No member state can pick and choose to highlight some principles and ignore the rest.
Unlike the EU, ASEAN has never prescribed any political criteria of its membership. The Charter's Article 6 on Admission of New Members merely lists the following: (a) geographical location in Southeast Asia; (b) recognition by all ASEAN member states; (c) agreement to be bound and to abide by the Charter; and (d) ability and willingness to carry out the obligations of membership.
Consequently, ASEAN may be the only inter-governmental organization in the world with such amazing political diversity.
3 - Institutional Reform: One Charter, Three Communities, Many Challenges
- from ASSESSMENTS
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- By Termsak Chalermpalanupap, ASEAN Secretariat, Indonesia
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- Book:
- Hard Choices
- Published by:
- ISEAS–Yusof Ishak Institute
- Published online:
- 21 October 2015
- Print publication:
- 30 December 2008, pp 91-132
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Summary
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was born in Bangkok, Thailand, in the heart of Southeast Asia, in 1967, more than four decades ago. Since then the organization has doubled its membership from five to ten Southeast Asian states. It has, in effect, expanded to match the region. As of December 2007, Timor-Leste—which only gained full independence in May 2002—was the only Southeast Asian nation that remained outside ASEAN. In 2007 it was actively preparing to join ASEAN within five years, by 2012.
ASEAN celebrated its fortieth founding anniversary in 2007. The celebration presented an opportunity to look back on the extraordinary evolution of both the region and the organization, including the latter's remarkable growth. But it was also an opportunity for introspection about current conditions and future challenges. One could thus credit ASEAN's past success in expanding its membership to encompass the “SEA” in its name, while at the same time highlighting the need for the organization to deepen its role in solving regional problems and to strengthen its ability to meet the new demands of the twenty-first century.
ASEAN's pivotal achievement in 2007 was the ASEAN Charter, which was signed by the heads of state or government in all of its member states, at the Thirteenth ASEAN Summit, in Singapore on 20 November. How should we understand this unprecedented event? From what concerns did it arise? What challenges does ASEAN face? What organizational priorities should animate the Association on the threshold of its next forty years of evolution, if indeed it survives to celebrate its eightieth anniversary in 2047?
This chapter addresses these questions. The chapter opens with an overview of ASEAN's historical development as an organization for regional cooperation. It proceeds to explore rationales for, and steps undertaken toward, building an ASEAN Community and adopting the ASEAN Charter.